Post 1992 Cadbury Committee report developments in UK corporate governance provisions are reviewed. The role of institutional investors, and the financial sector as a whole, in corporate governance is considered. Practices in 'Continental Europe', the UK and the US are contrasted, along with the roles of banks, strategic investors ("insiders"), institutional investors ("outsiders") and capital markets. To be effective, capital markets must be efficient and competitive and auditing must be reliable. Current EU and US reform proposals are compared and prospects for convergence in corporate governance procedures assessed.
Corporate Governance: Principles, Policies, and PracticesBOOK DETAILPaperback: 520 pages Publisher: Oxford University Press; 3 edition (May 5, 2015) Language: English ISBN-10:9780198702757 ISBN-13: 978-0198702757 ASIN: 0198702752 Product Dimensions: 9.6 x 7.3 x 1.1 inches ShippingWeight: 2.2 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)Book DescriptionWritten by the 'father of corporate governance', this text is an authoritative guide to the frameworks of power that governorganizations. The third edition covers key developments since the financial crisis, including aggressive tax avoidance,executive pay, and whistle-blowing. The book is divided into three clear parts that firstly outline the models and principlesof governance, before analyzing corporate policy, codes, and practice. International case studies provide real-worldexamples and a chapter dedicated to global corporate governance illustrates regulation in such diverse regions as Brazil,Russia, the Middle East, and North Africa. This comparative perspective ensures students are able to evaluate theimportance of culture in various attitudes to governance. In addition, self-test questions, with solutions provided at the endof the text, enable the reader to directly test their knowledge and assess their progress throughout. This complete approachensures students have a fundamental understanding of all aspects of corporate governance and its essential role in realworldbusiness practice. The textbook is accompanied by an Online Resource Centre, which includes: For students - Usethe author blog to gain insight into current events in the world of business, economics and finance. The blog is updated byOUP authors and subject experts Bob Tricker and Christine Mallin. - Take your learning further with relevant web links toreliable online content related to each chapter. - Get the most from the case studies in the book by using our additionalcase study resources to support your online research. For registered lecturers - Additional case studies of varying lengthscan be used in class to generate discussion and debate. - Teaching notes support both the case studies and the projects fromthe book. - PowerPoint slides can be used as a basis for lecture presentations or as hand-outs in class. - Suggested groupexercises enable students to put their teamwork skills into practice.
Corporate Governance Christine Mallin Pdf Download
This framework helps, first, to categorize the literature and practices of corporate governance, drawing attention to the insights they offer and the blind spots they entail. Second, the evolution of theory and practice suggests a growing appreciation of the complexity of the field, which has confounded the search for solutions and which points to the need to approach further study from two different vantage points: a) empirically, the need to contain complexity by focusing attention on narrower understandings of the problem; and b) normatively, to avoid easy prescriptions and to encourage experimentation.
Concerns about what we now call corporate governance have roots in the writings by Adam Smith (1776/1904, 1759/1984) and the twentieth century elaboration by Adolf Berle and Gardiner Means (Berle 1931; Berle and Means 1932/1991). Both phases of attention arose from crises that endangered the system of production and society at large, though neither generated directly a field of study bringing together the complex interaction of corporations, investors, and more peripheral actors affected by the decisions they make.
With assumptions of a homo economicus (Rosenberg 1979), the almost-mechanical, self-servingly rational social actor, agency theory looked for mechanisms of corporate governance that might prevent self-interest from becoming uncontrolled. Among those mechanisms were: stock options, which provided an incentive that could direct the interests of directors toward shareholder needs; stronger voting rights, which gave shareholders the power to enforce those mechanisms; and transparency through cash flow statements and more granular profit and loss accounts, product and geographic reports, and clarity about categories of assets and liabilities, which reduced the information asymmetries that privileged insiders and impeded shareholders from using their power.
In scholarship as well as in practice, the phenomenon of reckless, self-interested corporate executives was seen as largely a US-centric issue. But the early 1990s brought a string of corporate collapses in Britain, including Colorall, Polly Peck, the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, and two large listed companies controlled by Robert Maxwell. Together with memories of less dramatic problems including the 1977 Chiasso affair at Credit Suisse in Switzerland and those in the 1980s at IBH Holding and Schroeder Münchmeyer Hengst in West Germany, corporate governance problems no longer seemed confined to US practice.
As well as retaining many of the institutional arrangements of prior generations of corporate governance measures, these initiatives placed even greater emphasis on the independence and professionalism of the non-executive directors. They also concentrated more structural power in the board committees they controlled. Surely, this would prevent a recurrence of the problems of agency and managerial excess.
Ahrens et al. (2011) go on to recommend refocusing research in several different directions: a) new measures of corporate performance, b) understanding the impact of large events, c) economic competence of key actors on boards and among investors, d) how governance is practiced, e) differing national contexts and institutional systems, and f) attention to the multiplicity of problematic agency relationships in the investment supply chain, not just in the shareholder-manager dyad. These approaches, however, concern largely operational issues in corporate governance rather than the underlying conceptual and philosophical premises upon which they rest.
Reading the literature against the timeline of critical incidents suggests another avenue of approach, which the balance of this article seeks to articulate. It is one that examines the assumptions behind the key analyses and policy directions that sought to explain the crises in corporate governance. These assumptions arise across two dimensions, accountability and cognition, and are underpinned by philosophical stances that determine both their value and their shortcomings (see Table 1). We start with a discussion of the discourse that arose during and developed after each of these four periods of crisis.
The four phases of corporate governance problems, policies, and discourse are not entirely discrete in time or substance. Mechanisms feature in all of them, and agency concerns have not disappeared even as evidence has mounted of the limitations in its explanations of the work of boards, directors, and investors. Talk of market mechanisms in the early literature was not replaced by structural concerns post-Cadbury or the discourse of board independence post-Enron. Indeed, examination of the version of the UK Corporate Governance Code as re-formulated after the financial crisis shows each discourse layered upon the next (Nordberg and McNulty 2013).
In practice, decisions will not be guided solely by the goal of accountability and the process of cognition, of course. Emotions play a role in establishing preferences and work under the surface. An affective element lies behind the types of psychological ownership that employee stock options, for example, are meant to reinforce (Pierce et al. 1991). But the discourses of corporate governance, and the mechanisms of collective decision-making on boards and in institutional investment are designed to keep decisions on a rational footing.Footnote 2 For those reasons let us focus, first, on accountability and then on cognition, as they appear in policy and the literature (see Table 2).
This view takes the concept of accountability far from the idea that corporate disclosure to enable shareholder activism in the narrow form of episodic, change-seeking behavior (for a discussion, see McNulty and Nordberg 2016), and ultimately the market for corporate control. It also leads us to consider what cognitive assumptions underpin the four strands of thought in corporate governance practice and literature.
The approach to corporate governance developed in Jensen and Meckling (1976) and the policy, research, and practice they engendered assumes corporate managers and directors are self-interested, rational actors, weighing up costs and benefits to themselves, homo economicus (Rosenberg 1979). Here the actor is the individual, not a collective agent. It was a perspective used to simplify economic models and one challenged from the outset and with new intensity following the financial crisis (Zafirovski 2014).
Less discussed and less well understood is notion of reasonableness and its implications for corporate governance policy and research. Following a brief recap on rational approaches and the origins of discomfort about their implications, we turn to discuss in greater depth the philosophical origins of this stance and then articulate a research agenda to develop its potential in interpreting corporate governance practice and in policy-making. 2ff7e9595c
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